Strategic advisory on UKEU-EUUK political, regulatory and institutional relations
I help businesses and organisations read the relationship between the UK and the EU – and act on it.
Since Brexit, the relationship has been under near-continuous negotiation. The current reset seeks to reduce some trade barriers, but unfolds amid a much larger global shift running the other way. The EU is caught between Chinese overcapacity and a more protectionist United States; the UK faces the same pressures and must also deal with Brussels’ response to them, including its Made in Europe agenda. Many expect those pressures to push the UK and the EU closer together. But the logic of Brexit can still pull them further apart, as we have already seen with SAFE.
The relationship will get closer or more distant, plausibly both at once. It will not stay the same. For businesses, that will affect market access, supply chains and compliance costs. The value is in seeing it early enough to act.
I spent the last twelve years working on UK-EU affairs in Parliament, the last seven as the House of Commons’ National Parliament Representative to the EU. That role put me at the institutional junction of Westminster, Whitehall and Brussels, with a wide view of the relationship and the forces shaping it.
From that vantage point one problem kept recurring. London and Brussels often misread one another. Sometimes information is missing, or diplomacy leaves things unsaid. More often it is structural: politics, institutions and incentives look different from the other side of the Channel.
That gap can be expensive. I help clients close it by working out where a file is heading, putting technical work in its political context, or getting an issue onto the agenda.
Get in touch with the file, issue or question you have in mind.
kilian@lamancheadvisory.comThe problem
Misunderstanding Brussels’ incentives. They are mixed, often counterintuitive, and vary by issue.
Treating ‘the EU’ as one actor. Its decisions emerge from an array of institutions, interests and shifting majorities.
Treating issues as purely technical. Ten years after the referendum the Council still runs a dedicated Working Party on the UK – something it does not do for either the US or China alone. So even a technical UK file is usually filtered through the politics of the relationship by the member states’ counsellors. Expect a political reading, whatever the subject.
Hearing what you wanted to. Diplomats sometimes express tricky points in emollient language, emphasise areas of agreement, or politely acknowledge positions they may not share. It is entirely possible to leave a meeting quietly pleased at how it went, while one’s counterpart is left bemused.
Misreading institutional posture. The EU’s appetite for closer cooperation with the UK varies by issue, and the signals come from different places. Senior institutional leaders and prominent MEPs may be openly positive; tougher stances emerge from less visible Council discussions, constraining the Commission, while unnamed diplomats criticise UK positions in the press. The reflex - to smile at the friendly face and blame France - may be cathartic, but it is ineffectual.
Reading the EU through the referendum. It necessarily flattened the EU into a binary question: something you were either for or against. Since then the EU’s policy frame has shifted on defence, competitiveness, economic security and migration, sometimes more than once. On other issues, such as AI, it has doubled down.
Membership-tinted spectacles. Inside the Union, there is give and take: concessions can be repaid later, files traded, and not every exchange has to balance on its own. Outside it, the arithmetic is less forgiving: concessions are more explicitly priced, and balance is measured differently. For those familiar with membership, it can be tempting to expect the old habits of accommodation – and wrong-foot oneself.
Arguments that don’t travel. Cases made purely from self-interest travel poorly. That is not an argument for hiding your interests - the EU is not shy about expressing its own - but asking for exemptions from geopolitically driven policies without a grasp of the underlying issues is counterproductive.
Not knowing who the right people are, not knowing how or when to make the approach, or getting the tone of the meeting wrong.
Treating London as one actor. Number 10, the Treasury, the departments and Parliament often hold different views.
Expecting the UK to work like the EU. Brussels is fluent in the inter-institutional, process-heavy politics of a multinational Union, and sometimes expects the same in Westminster. The absence of familiar procedures and the Commons’ distinctive ways of working can be mistaken for a lack of seriousness.
Nobody British in the room. Without MEPs, or ministers and officials in the Council, when the EU discusses UK affairs there is often no one present with recent first-hand knowledge of the country. While the EU Delegation in London works to close this information gap, assumptions can sometimes circulate without a reality check.
Reading the press as policy. British newspapers are read in Brussels, but a headline is not a government position. Without the domestic context, what appears familiar is easily misjudged.
Reading clickbait as the country. There is always a social media post by one keyboard warrior, of whatever political stripe, to confirm one’s most deeply held suspicions about any country – including one’s own. Because Brussels does its business in English, the UK is a casualty of this more than most.
Making every meeting a démarche. Meetings at whatever level tend to be used to restate positions, sometimes to the exclusion of other useful discussions. Seen from Brussels, this reads as diplomatic cohesiveness and discipline.
Overreading Brexit. Assuming every UK move relates to the EU, or that the reset - or every opinion poll - means the UK wishes to rejoin.
Mismatched expectations, on both sides. Under pressure to have something to announce, summits sometimes hastily paper over significant differences with constructive ambiguity. Each party then assumes the other signed up to more than it did, and the difficulties can take until the next summit to resolve.
Look closely and the same failure recurs: reading the other system through the assumptions of your own, and misjudging its incentives and how its decisions are made.
Without a clear read of the other system, making even a strong case can feel like trying to make water run uphill.
Service overview
One strategic read across Brussels and London.
I offer a standing assessment of the relationship, a focused view of your file or issue, and help navigating and engaging with the institutions that shape it.
Twelve years of reading UK-EU politics through the process that carries it, seven of them in Brussels. Pointed at your file.
A retainer for organisations with a live stake in the relationship that need a senior view spanning London and Brussels.
1. The read. A systematic assessment of where the relationship is heading: the reset, Europe’s industrial turn, implementation issues, changing access and the politics that could move any of it. I test judgements against outcomes and read positions in their political, institutional and diplomatic context.
Updates will cover developments and dynamics across the core UK-EU agenda, such as youth experience, ETS linkage, electricity trading and an SPS agreement; regulatory cooperation; and major Made in Europe files, e.g. the IAA and Public Procurement Act.
2. Track. A focused, private read on your file or issue: where it is heading, who is shaping it and what it means for you. Naming it directs what I follow and test in greater depth.
A deeper Track might focus on a particular aspect of the core agenda above, or a file in areas such as EU customs reform; defence-industrial cooperation; economic security and industrial policy, e.g. steel, CBAM, critical raw materials or investment screening; EU simplification, e.g. digital and AI, sustainability or industrial rules; the Savings and Investments Union or 28th regime; or an issue of your choosing.
3. Contact. A regular conversation, and contact when something matters or when you need a view.
Bounded, bespoke work around a specific question, decision or objective.
Typical projects include:
▸ Agenda. UK→EU
Putting a new issue on the agenda in Brussels. I can help shape the case and lead you to the right institutional channel.
▸ Engage. UK→EU
How to engage effectively in Brussels on a live file. I can map the route, inform your approach, and support the engagement from start to finish.
▸ Scenario. A deep dive on a single question: where the issue is heading, the plausible outcomes, and what each would mean for your strategy.
▸ Sherpa. Scoping the political and institutional dynamics around a difficult issue – for example before or after a summit, or as a sensitive one emerges.
▸ Embed. I can work with your in-house team, adding a UK-EU institutional layer to an existing workstream.
Have a file or issue in mind? kilian@lamancheadvisory.com
The Channel separates. Twenty-one miles at its narrowest, it is one reason the two political systems developed as differently as they did.
The Channel connects. Trade, regulation, politics, people and information cross it constantly. The UK is the EU’s second-largest trading partner and the EU is the UK’s largest.
Brexit raised the stakes, turning the Short Straits into a customs and regulatory border between the UK and the EU. What happens on one shore still has consequences on the other.
The name. Shakespeare’s Suffolk demanded to be ferried “safely cross the Channel” in the 1590s; a generation later the French were calling it la manche – the sleeve, worn by an arm of the Atlantic. A nautical metaphor that shares the British eye for good tailoring.
The method. The geography endures, the fish are none the wiser, but the rules and politics keep changing – and something is always lost in the crossing. Neither shore offers a complete view: each system has to be understood on its own terms, and as it is seen from the other.
One sea, named differently from each shore: international relations in a name.
About
Kilian Bourke founded La Manche Advisory in September 2026 after twelve years working on UK-EU affairs in Parliament. Before that he worked for Andrew Duff, then MEP for the East of England.
In Parliament he began with scrutiny of EU Single Market legislation for two cross-party committees: the Commons European Scrutiny Committee, chaired by Sir William Cash, and the Lords EU Internal Market Sub-Committee, chaired by Lord Whitty. He also chaired a Brexit Trade Network across both Houses.
He then spent seven years in Brussels as the House of Commons’ National Parliament Representative to the EU, from the end of the Withdrawal Agreement negotiations through the TCA, the Windsor Framework and the reset now under way.
In that role, he engaged regularly with the EU institutions, the UK Mission and Europe’s national parliaments, and supported Commons Select Committees and delegations in scrutiny and inter-parliamentary diplomacy. He also helped establish the UKEU-EUUK Parliamentary Partnership Assembly and supported its first two UK co-chairs, Sir Oliver Heald and Marsha de Cordova.
Born in Dublin and raised in Northern Ireland, he studied at Cambridge and now lives in London. Often on the Eurostar.
LinkedInContact
Bruxelles-Midi